Irak: Bauern schießen Apache ab!
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| Eröffnet am: | 24.03.03 11:30 | von: Trader | Anzahl Beiträge: | 25 |
| Neuester Beitrag: | 24.03.03 15:59 | von: Dr.UdoBroem. | Leser gesamt: | 1.579 |
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Zwei irakische Bauern sollen US-Hubschrauber abgeschossen haben
Kairo (dpa) - Zwei irakische Bauern haben angeblich zwei amerikanische Kampfhubschrauber abgeschossen. Das meldet das Informationsministerium in Bagdad. Vorher hatte das irakische Staatsfernsehen einen noch fast intakten «Apache»-Hubschrauber gezeigt, der bei Kerbela abgeschossen worden sein soll. Um den Helikopter herum sind feiernde Zivilisten und Kämpfer zu sehen, die Maschinengewehre schwenken. Kerbela liegt in der Nähe von Nadschaf. Dort wird nach Berichten bereits gekämpft.
© dpa - Meldung vom 24.03.2003 11:20 Uhr
Gruß
Trader
Ein Apache ist so konstruiert das er nach beschuss mit 23 mm geschossen noch 30 min in der Luft bleiben kann. Ist ne echte Festung das ding. Voll mit Kevlar und Carbon. Dat kriegen die nich runter.
Optionen
Zum Beispiel die B2-Bomber, unsichtbar gegen Radar und Infrarot. Vorausgesetzt man geht von der neuen Chiptechnik in den Radargeräten aus. Die Russen mit ihren alten Breitband-Geräten mit Röhrentechnologie konnten die Signaturen schon auffangen, weil diese Strahlen nicht absorbiert wurden.
Oder 1999 bei Belgrad, die abgeschossene F117. Auch wenn sie unsichtbar für Radar war, die Jugoslawen haben einfach einen Sperrgürtel in den Himmel geschossen und da ist er dann reingeflogen und abwärts gings.
Zwar sah die Maschine in den TV-Bildern noch weitgehend intakt aus, sogar die amerikanischen „Hellfire“-Raketen waren noch montiert – möglicherweise eine Notlandung. Doch nach irakischen Angaben wurde der Hubschrauber nahe Kerbela von einer Rakete getroffen, 80 Kilometer vor Bagdad. (Quelle Bild)
Bericht in der NYT
"Be patient, victory is coming," he told his people.
"seid geduldig ,der Sieg kommt"sagte Saddam
Shortly after he spoke, Iraq said it had shot down two U.S. Apache helicopters. A U.S. official confirmed one had been lost.
President Bush said the war was still young,
Bush sagte der Krieg ist noch jung ! Reuters
Von Carsten Hoffmann, dpa
Bagdad (dpa) - Gewaltige Flammen und Rauchwolken kündeten wiederholt und stundenlang von schweren Angriffen der überlegenen US- Luftwaffe auf Regierungsviertel in Bagdad. Nun, einige Tage nach Beginn des Abwehrkampfes gegen die amerikanisch-britische Bodenoffensive, zeigt die oberste Militärführung des Irak neue Zuversicht.
Die Truppen bereiten sich offensichtlich ganz auf die Verteidigung der Städte vor und wollen sich nicht im Kampf um leeres Wüstenland vom Feind aufreiben lassen. Der Angreifer werde einen hohen Blutzoll zahlen müssen, wird offiziell erklärt. Die Erwartung ist, dass dieser Preis zu hoch für Briten und Amerikaner werden könnte.
Der irakischen Verteidigungsminister General Sultan Haschim Ahmed hat in einem Hotel eine große Landkarte aufstellen lassen. Links von ihm steht ein Porträt von Saddam Hussein. «Entschlossenheit und der Wille zu kämpfen sind unsere Überraschungen», sagt er ausländischen Journalisten. «Diejenigen, die einen Regimewechsel beabsichtigen, müssen das Land und die Städte einnehmen.» Nach seiner Darstellung haben die Angreifer bei ihrer Offensive noch keinen entscheidenden Vorteil errungen.
Der General erläutert die Lage anhand von Frontabschnitten. Andauernde Kämpfe um die Hafenstadt Umm Kasr, eine Zerstörung von feindlichen Panzern und Truppentransportern und die Gefangennahme amerikanischer Soldaten betrachtet er als Belege dafür, dass die irakischen Truppen den Angreifern am Boden empfindlich zusetzen können. So will er auch die Strategie der US-Truppen verstanden wissen, die bei ihrem Vormarsch bisher größere irakischen Städte und Kampftruppen umgangen haben.
Der Verteidigung der Hauptstadt Bagdad gegen Bodentruppen ist vorbereitet. Im Zentrum sind allerdings nur leicht bewaffnete Milizen zu sehen, die aus Sandsäcken errichtete Kontrollpunkte besetzt halten und Unterstände in Grünanlagen gegraben haben. Die Tag und Nacht dauernden Detonationen aus dem Umland lassen aber darauf schließen, dass die Amerikaner dort aus der Luft einen ausgebauten Verteidigungsring um die Hauptstadt zerstören wollen.
Journalisten wird eine Stellung an einer Einfallstraße gezeigt, an der Offiziere eine Gruppe aus Freiwilligen und Milizionären der regierenden Baath-Partei führen. Behördenvertreter präsentieren dort Erdbunker und Bewaffnete, die entschiedene Bereitschaft bekundeten, diese Positionen auch zu verteidigen. «Es ist ja schließlich unser Land», sagt einer.
In diese Kerbe schlägt auch die irakische Propaganda, die jetzt verstärkt die Loyalität zum Staat und zum eigenen Boden anspricht. In die Bilder marschierender Soldaten werden Szenen mit Frauen bei der Fabrikarbeit und dem Grün bewässerter Felder geschnitten. «Unsere Situation ist sehr gut. Unsere Moral ist sehr hoch», sagt der Verteidigungsminister.
Der General hat schon im Golfkrieg 1991 und vorher gegen den Iran als Frontoffizier in den achtziger Jahren gekämpft. In Bagdad heißt es, er habe Karriere wegen seiner militärischen Leistungen gemacht. Jetzt tritt er mit großer Höflichkeit auf, um Fragen zu beantworten. In den Städten werde den Amerikanern der Druck ausgehen, meint der Minister. Er klingt, als wäre er von seinen eigenen Worten überzeugt: »Wir glauben, dass der Feind verlieren wird, weil er nicht von seinem Handeln überzeugt ist.»
erschienen am 24.03.2003 um 15:19 Uhr
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die meisten Piloten der Helikopter konnten nicht nicht die Ziele erreichen beim Einsatz:die bewaffneten Garden zu treffen,ihre Panzer zu zerstören und ihre Artillerie.Sie verbrachten mehrere Stunden in der Luft sich selber verteidigend und mit dem Bestreben wieder aus dem Gebiet herauszukommen.Sie hatten keine heftige Gegenwehr erwartet in dem, wie sie glaubten, zivilen Gebiet.Sie waren überrascht und benommen von dem Widerstand,auf den sie trafen.Sie wollten u.a. die irakischen T72 Panzer treffen,die modensten Panzer der irakischen Armee,von denen angeblich 90 vorhanden sein sollen.
Most pilots said they were unable to achieve the objectives of the mission -- to hit the Republican Guard armored brigade, knock out its tanks and pierce its artillery. They spent a few hours in the air defending themselves and trying to get out of the area.
The attack force did not expect such strong resistance from what they thought were mostly civilian areas, Penhaul reported.
He added that pilots were "somewhat dazed, somewhat stunned" by the level of Iraqi resistance they encountered.
Some of the elements the Apaches tried to strike were Iraqi T-72 battle tanks, the most advanced tank used by the Iraqi forces. The Republican Guard was estimated to have at least 90 of those tanks, along with "multiple" pieces of field artillery and armored personnel carriers, Penhaul said.
The attack started after midnight (4 p.m. ET) and lasted about three hours, said Penhaul, who was aboard a Black Hawk helicopter that served as the command and control craft of a unit of Apache attack helicopters.
The helicopter in which Penhaul was riding was about 15-20 miles from the scene of the strike.
The Apache unit went up against the 2nd Armored Brigade of the Medina Division, which is part of the Republican Guard, the troops most loyal to Saddam Hussein, Penhaul said.
Flags in the dust
Although coalition forces may be winning the military
battle on land and in the air, political incompetence
means that Iraq is winning the battle of hearts and
minds, writes Brian Whitaker
Monday March 24, 2003
One of the finest war photographs ever taken shows the raising
of the American flag over Iwo Jima in February, 1945. The battle
for this tiny island in the Pacific, just five miles long and two
miles wide, lasted 31 days and cost 6,821 American lives.
In the picture, six helmeted figures grapple with a pole,
attempting to plant it on a rock-strewn mountain top. At the end
of the pole, the Stars and Stripes flutters in the wind against a
vast open sky.
The symbolism of this picture, taken by Associated Press
photographer Joe Rosenthal, was clear to everyone at the time.
The huddle of human figures represented heroic endeavour, while
the flag and the sky signalled hope and freedom.
As an artistic composition, the photograph was so brilliant that
ever since the day it appeared there have been people who
claimed it was specially posed - though there is ample evidence
that it was not. In just 1/400th of a second, Rosenthal's camera
captured the spirit of the time.
Maybe this was what someone had in mind early last Friday
when invading American marines removed an Iraqi flag from a
building in Umm Qasr, just across the border from Kuwait, and
raised the Stars and Stripes. But what might have seemed a
noble gesture in 1945 is open to different interpretations 58
years later.
In Britain, even supporters of the war denounced the flag-raising
as a stupid act, undermining claims that the goal is to liberate
Iraq, not to conquer it - and by nightfall the Iraqi flag was back.
In the midst of more dramatic events, this was a very minor
incident, but a telling one nonetheless: it highlighted a credibility
gap that may yet become a catastrophic flaw in America's war
strategy.
Most wars start by accident or with a flourish of misplaced
jingoism. But this war is unique. It is hard to recall any conflict
in history that aroused so much opposition even before it began.
At best its legitimacy and purpose is in serious doubt. At worst,
millions regard it as illegal and/or immoral.
Besides that, it is led by a president for whom few outside the
United States have any respect. Just as the onus was placed on
Iraq, during the period of inspections, to prove that it had no
weapons of mass destruction, the onus now is on the invasion
forces to convince a sceptical world of their bona fides. This is
probably impossible to do, since the official and unofficial aims
of the war cannot be reconciled.
One example of confused messages came on the first day with
the attempt to assassinate Saddam Hussein. Apart from looking
hasty and opportunistic, it conflicted with argument made during
the UN inspection process that the main goal was to disarm
Iraq.
That might not have been so bad if, after Saddam had appeared
on television to show that he was still alive, US officials had
quashed speculation that he might be dead. Whatever private
doubts they might have harboured (about the use of lookalikes,
etc), joining in the guesswork merely cast doubt on their
credibility as sources of authoritative information.
The Centcom command centre in Qatar, with its hugely
expensive press facilities, has also been slow to get its case
across. It was not until Saturday that General Tommy Franks
got round to speaking to the world's media, with a polished
performance that said almost nothing. In the meantime, other
officials made all sorts of statements that were contradictory in
some cases and downright wrong in others.
The battle for Umm Qasr, the small port near the border with
Kuwait has been won and un-won so many times that by now
most people have lost count. It's no excuse to attribute these
failures to the "fog of war" or "psychological operations" against
the Baghdad regime.
Iraqi spokesmen, on the other hand, have been remarkably
forthcoming and, if we disregard the usual rhetoric, the factual
content of their statements has often been more accurate than
that of the invasion forces. Their figures for Iraqi casualties have
also been low enough to sound plausible.
Friday brought the appalling "Shock n' Awe Show" which, in its
visual effects, resembled something that might have been
conceived by a big-budget Hollywood director. Its military
purpose, if any, is still far from clear, and those shocked by it
were mainly TV viewers outside Iraq.
After decades of wars, sanctions and repression, Iraqis
themselves have become inured to almost anything. As the
attack was ending, some of the Arab TV channels lingered for a
few seconds on a bizarre scene in flickering night-vision green:
Iraqi spectators standing in open parkland on the opposite side
of the river, watching the fireworks.
Though this attack was meant to terrify the Baghdad regime into
submission, nobody in Washington seems to have anticipated
its effect on the rest of the world. To some in the Arab and
Muslim countries, Shock and Awe is terrorism by another name;
to others, a crime that compares unfavourably with September
11.
To the homespun folks in Middletown, California - recorded by
the BBC the other day singing patriotic songs around their
dinner table - such perceptions may be utterly
incomprehensible, but they are real and cannot be ignored. They
explain why the American flag has become a liability and why
westerners in Yemen, for example, have taken to flying the
blue-and-gold European flag from their cars to discourage
attackers.
General Franks, of course, is at pains to point out that modern
American missiles are extremely accurate and that every target
is carefully selected to minimise civilian casualties. This may
be, but it takes only a few exceptions to persuade people
otherwise - as happened at the weekend when al-Jazeera
television showed millions of Arab viewers the picture of a child
with a shattered head.
As the invasion forces move closer to Baghdad, it is still an
open question as to whether ordinary Iraqis will view them as
conquerors or liberators. The omens so far are not particularly
good. When they arrived in Safwan last Friday, one Iraqi greeted
them by saying: "What took you so long? God help you to
become victorious."
Possibly he meant it, though it's not hard to imagine similar
words being addressed to anyone who arrived in town with a
conspicuous display of weaponry. Two Reuters correspondents,
travelling independently of the military, told a different story:
"One group of Iraqi boys on the side of the road smiled and
waved as a convoy of British tanks and trucks rolled by. But
once it had passed, leaving a trail of dust and grit in its wake,
their smiles turned to scowls. 'We don't want them here,' said
17-year-old Fouad, looking angrily up at the plumes of grey
smoke rising from Basra. 'Saddam is our leader,' he said
defiantly. 'Saddam is good'."
All these effects were easily foreseeable, though not easily
avoided once a decision was made to go to war. With less than
a week gone, the invasion forces may be slowly winning the
battle on land and in the air but Iraq is winning the battle of
hearts and minds.
To have reached such a position against an adversary who is
demonstrably one of the world's most disgusting tyrants, to have
transformed him into a hero figure, and to have transformed the
American flag into a symbol of oppression, is not only
unfortunate but reeks of political incompetence.