Erster Infrastr-Auftrag an US-Bau-Konzern vergeben

Erster Infrastruktur-Auftrag an US-Bau-Konzern vergeben


34,6 Millionen Dollar beträgt die anfängliche Bausumme, die der US-Baukonzern Bechtel durch den Zuschlag seitens der Bush-Adnministration für den Wiederaufbau der Infrastruktur zunächst verbauen kann.    

Innerhalb von 18 Monaten können daraus 680 Millionen Dollar werden. Bechtel hob hervor, dass man auch irakische Arbeiter einstellen will. Die US-Behörde für Entwicklungshilfe ( USAID ) hat auch mit anderen US-Firmen Verträge unterzeichnet.  

Die Finzanzierung soll durch das von den USA eingefrorene Irak-Guthaben in Höhe von ca. 1,7 Milliarden Dollar bezahlt werden.  

 Quelle: apollo.zeit.de
 

dank des laienschauspielers im kanzleramt steht deutschland außen vor.
macht aber nichts.rentner,arbeitslose und kranke schaffen dafür den aus-
gleich.frohe ostern.  

Du darfst gerne in den Irak fahren, und dort aufbauen helfen, stattdessen klopfst Du nur Sprüche und bist damit ein kleiner schwarzer Punkt in der Armee der Nörgler. Das Problem in D ist, dass es zu viele gibt, die nichts tun als rumzunörgeln und die Schuld in der Regierung sehen, Gute Nacht D.

 

ich war von 83 bis 85 im irak auf montage.schöne ostern.  

aber die welt wird nicht davon einfacher, wenn man einfach denkt.
hätten wir mitgemacht (oder wäre unser kanzler nicht so blöd...), hätten wir jetzt.....
gibt es irgendwo auch schon aufträge an gb, australien, spanien oder ozeanien ????

Rumsfeld's Old Flame  


Jim Vallette is the research director for the Sustainable Energy and Economy Network, a project of the Institute for Policy Studies. He is the author, with Steve Kretzmann and Daphne Wysham, of the report "Crude Vision: How Oil Interests Obscured US Government Focus on Chemical Weapons Use by Saddam Hussein."


Everyone's heard of Vice President Dick Cheney's ties to Halliburton, a company standing on the brink of a bonanza as the government doles out post-war reconstruction dollars. But not enough has been revealed about Bechtel, a reported finalist for the first round of contracts, and its connections to another of the war's architects: Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld. It's a sordid little tale, and one that calls into question the depth of Rumsfeld's virtuous claims about his intentions to liberate the Iraqis.

Bechtel has long been intertwined with Republican foreign policymakers, globally and in Iraq. It turns out that many of today's war hawks spent a couple years in the 1980s trying to get Saddam to sign an oil pipeline contract. Even though Saddam was gassing Iranians at the same time, people like Donald Rumsfeld had some quality face-time with the "evil dictator" pitching a plan that would benefit, beyond all other interests, Bechtel -- and, potentially, Hussein.

Rumsfeld flew to Baghdad, twice, as Reagan's special envoy. According to newly-available documents, a lot of his business was nothing more than advancing Bechtel's business. Following a script crafted by then-Secretary of State George Shultz -- who went directly from the CEO seat at Bechtel into the Reagan team -- he pitched the idea of building an oil pipeline from Iraq to Jordan in December 1983.

Saddam told Rumsfeld it sounded like a fine plan, but he was worried about the possibility of Israeli attack. Rumsfeld wrote back to Shultz, "I said I could understand that there would need to be some sort of arrangements that would give those involved confidence that it would not be easily vulnerable. (This may be an issue to raise with Israel at the appropriate time.)"

For the next two years, Reagan administration officials, Bechtel, and pipeline promoters expended a lot of energy trying to placate Saddam's concerns, even while publicly the U.S. government "condemned" the use of chemical weapons in the Iran-Iraq War. Behind the scenes, State Department officials forged ahead. Rumsfeld's second meeting in Baghdad, again to press the pipeline scheme, occurred the same day that a United Nations team confirmed that Saddam gassed Iranian troops.

The revolving door between the Reagan administration, Bechtel and other pipeline agents produced a whirlwind of shady dealings. An agent promised Israeli Prime Minister Shimon Peres a secret sluiceway of pipeline profits into the Israeli Labor Party. Pipeline promoters and Reagan officials pondered other magic formulas -- like committing, beyond congressional view, existing Defense and foreign aid as collateral in case Israel did attack the pipeline. All to placate Saddam's concerns.

But it was all for naught. Two years after Rumsfeld broached the plan with Saddam, the dictator finally rejected Bechtel's proposal. He found better pipeline deals involving Turkey and Saudi Arabia, and thought the U.S. company doubled the actual construction cost.

While this signaled the end of U.S.-Iraqi oil diplomacy, the Reagan and first Bush administrations settled into a constructive engagement routine with Saddam. Bechtel signed contracts with Saddam in 1988, after "Chemical Ali" gassed thousands of Kurds, to build a huge dual-use chemical plant on the outskirts of Baghdad. Saddam named Bechtel as one of the corporate suppliers of technology for chemical weapons in its U.N. declaration last year. Construction stopped only after Saddam's troops invaded Kuwait, and his police held Bechtel employees in confinement. The last Bechtel employee left Iraq in December 1990.

U.S.-Iraqi relations -- business and political -- have never been the same. Rumsfeld and other officials have seethed as they've watched lucrative oil contracts signed between Baghdad and corporations from France, Russia and China. And to cover their own jealousy, they've decried those who would make a deal with a man possessing weapons of mass destruction.

The lesson to be drawn from Bechtel, the Aqaba pipeline and the present conflict is that an "evil dictator" is a friend of the United States when he is ready to do business, and a mortal enemy when he is not. Sadly, it is our sons and daughters, brothers and sisters, who must pay the price when a deal goes bad.